Russia tries to ease its Entente allies’ worries and pledges to continue participating in the war. This is done in the form of a declaration of intent, accompanied by a separate telegram from the Provisional Government’s foreign minister, Pavel Milyukov, written in a more direct tone, stressing Russia’s initial promises to the allies, and eying control of Constantinople, the Bosporus and Dardanelles, and the annexation of Galicia. Angered by the lack of consultation and Milyukov's betrayal, the Executive Committee of the rival Petrosoviet does pretty much the same thing, issuing a decree stating that “the Revolutionary democracy will not abide bloodshed over imperialistic ambitions.”  This marks the beginning of the April Crisis. Lenin, for his part, likes neither side, so the Bolsheviks issue their own resolution the following day, where the Soviet is criticized for its tacit support of the Provisional Government. A new wave of unrest takes hold of the capital as supporters of both sides go head to head.

Censorship is no more, thanks to the Provisional Government. This gives a huge advantage to the Soviet-aligned students and workers who are now free to spread their own revolutionary message across town.

Over on the front line, German forces sink a further 138 Entente vessels in the matter of a week. Meanwhile, British and Russian offensives on Bulgarian trenches end in severe losses – particularly for the British, who lose several thousand men to the Balkan offensive. The Nivelle Offensive, likewise, ends in failure, with tens of thousands of allied troops lost, and mutinying taking over portions of the French Army.

By May 12, Russian War Minister Guchkov hands in his resignation to the head of government, Grand Duke Lvov. The Russian Army is awash with anarchy, and the minister believes he can no longer carry out his duties, while lamenting that such a state of affairs is terrible for Russia’s defenses, and poses an existential threat to the country. Kerensky succeeds him, and begins to immediately argue for the creation of a coalition government that would involve multiple fractions, including the Soviet, the Mensheviks and others.

Kerensky, however, opts to keep Russia in the war, and marks his promotion by planning a large offensive on the Eastern Front. But everywhere Lenin’s Bolsheviks are quickly gaining the upper hand in people’s hearts. The soldiers revere him – not Kerensky.

By the end of the month, a new Declaration of Soldiers’ Rights is published, making troops equals with civilians.

A crisis is looming. The Petrograd Soviet finds Foreign Minister Pavel Milyukov’s and the Provisional Government’s betrayal unacceptable – Milyukov’s attachment contains provisions the Soviet never agreed to for the original declaration, which was supposed to be a joint, neutral document. In response, it issues its own ruling, declaring that “Revolutionary democracy will not abide bloodshed over imperialistic ambitions.”

What became known as the April Crisis begins, something Lenin and the Bolsheviks are only too happy to exploit.

In the early evening of May 3, an emergency meeting of the RSDLP hears Lenin’s proposal for a special, additional resolution. In it, the Provisional Government is referred to as “utterly imperialistic” and being sustained by Anglo-French financing. The Soviet is also criticized – for daring to support the Provisional Government. Nevertheless, demonstrations continue throughout the day in support of “all power” going to the Soviets.

Clashes are sparked by a rally, ignited by the Finnish regiment, which believes in continuing the war, but in the name of democratic ideals, rather than total victory. By 3pm that afternoon, several armed detachments had gathered at the gates to the Mariinsky Palace demanding Milyukov’s resignation. But on that day, the government was holding its meetings elsewhere – the war minister’s office. There, esteemed General Lavr Kornilov, commander of the Petrograd Military District, asked for the green light to disperse the demonstrators. He did not get it.

Alexander Kerensky – at the time still justice minister – would later write in his memoirs: “We were certain of the wisdom in our course of action, that the civilian population would not abide any acts of violence toward the Provisional Government.”

The Seventh All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP commences. It hears proposals by Lenin and accepts his theses, published earlier. It will last for five days, until May 12.

Lenin admits that early May attempts to tip the balance against the Provisional Government may have been ill-conceived. On this day he pens an essay in response to criticism that the RSDLP was trying to instigate a quick power grab: “We had intended for the [Down with the Provisional Government!] motto to be a peaceful rallying cry, but some comrades from the Petersburg Committee [PC] had given a different one, which we had tried to scrap, but could not keep from getting out.” Lenin tries to clarify that the phrase was misused. “We are trying to point out here that the rallying cry was an adventurous one – that deposing the government now would have been ill-advised… We only wished to emerge at an accurate estimate of the enemy’s forces, not to instigate an all-out battle.”

Lenin blames the weak organizational skills of the PC on failure to contain the masses that marched in support of the soldiers and workers. He calls its alleged support of violent demonstrations a “grave crime.” He insists that the main call should actually have been “Long live the Soviets of the worker and soldier MPs.”

“The Mensheviks, meanwhile, continue to use the word ‘adventurous’ [towards Soviets], but it is they who had even less organization, and barely a party line. We, on the other hand, have both organization and a party line.”

He also remembers: “Marx said ‘France would get things going, and the Germans would perfect the process.’ However, it was the Russian proletariat who have achieved much more.”

Lenin emphasizes that his platform would not have any success had it called for the violent ouster of the Tsar and for his replacement simply by another form of dictatorship.

“The Provisional Government must be deposed. But not now. And not like that.”

The Provisional Government has lifted all restrictions on freedom of the press, adopting a new resolution. This effectively dissolves the department of the press. The ruling states that “all printed material and the sale thereof are no longer prohibited. No legal action shall be taken.”
Another, lesser known ruling adopted that day concerns setting up a sort of ‘public displays and entertainment’ watchdog. Special commissars of the Provisional Government would be apprised of any theatrical performances or public entertainment, as well as gatherings, and the law would step in whenever it was deemed that such material could lead to the disruption of public order, incite civil disobedience, or disturb societal cohesion in any way. However, the most severe form of punishment rarely meant more than paying 300 rubles.

Although this was all in May, the Tsarist censorship body had been liquidated two months prior, in mid-March.

Over on the battlefield, the Americans name a new Expeditionary Force commander – Major General J. Pershing, who is to be dispatched to the Western Front.

The German forces suffer their first maritime setbacks as a newly-emboldened Great Britain decides to outfit ships with armed convoys, equipped with depth charges, hydrophones, explosive paravanes, and anti-torpedo nets. On that day, more than a dozen British ships reach Plymouth from Gibraltar with no losses. The Germans had underestimated the number of U-Boats they would need to mount an effective blockade of Britain.

Elections are held for Central Committee representatives at the RSDLP by means of a secret vote.

Also on this day, War Minister Alexander Guchkov decides to step down from the post, owing to what he says is the inability to continue in light of the anarchy that has now taken over the Russian Army. Guchkov submits a letter to head of government Georgy Lvov, outlining his concerns for the country’s future were it to continue sabotaging its defensive capabilities by allowing anarchy to continue.

“I could not in good conscience continue to carry out the duties of war and naval minister and take part in the grave sin that is being perpetrated on our homeland.”

Italian forces meanwhile make preparations for a May 14 assault on Austro-Hungarian positions in the north of Italy. For the first time the Italians will take back some key positions they previously could not.

Barely three days after Guchkov’s departure, Foreign Minister Pavel Milyukov tenders his resignation – a development eagerly awaited by both the Petrosoviet and its Executive Committee, as well as the RSDLP. There is finally a ghost of a chance that the April Crisis can be brought to a swift end. The night before, Alexander Kerensky takes part in a closed meeting of the Executive Committee, where he actively campaigns for the creation of a coalition government – one comprised of representatives of many political leanings, including the workers and others opposed to Milyukov’s warmongering. This would bring the country out of a political and economic rut, Kerensky believes. Many, including Tsereteli, throw their support behind the idea.

French General Robert Nivelle is taken off the post of commander of the French Army for his many wartime failures, most notably the Nivelle Offensive. He had held the post for less than a year.

The first coalition government is formed at an emergency meeting of the Executive Committee, as per Kerensky’s idea. Kerensky is one of the two people representing the Socialist-Revolutionaries, while Tsereteli, the Menshevik, is one of the two representing the Social-Democrats. There are also the Popular Socialists. Lvov remains head of government. This election effectively ends the April Crisis.

Kerensky is also the new war minister, while Mikhail Tereshhenko becomes foreign minister in Milyukov’s stead. The Socialists now occupy six of 16 ministerial seats, while the SRs and Mensheviks remain part of the government elite. On the same day, a course is set for agrarian reform, with work to begin on May 19.

The period of so-called Dual Rule is also brought to a close, but the Coalition is still not out of the woods, as the left-leaning workers and peasants, who see it as representing the elite, still need to be convinced. The bourgeois still hold 10 seats.

A declaration is released the following day, but the peasants have already begun to divide up land all across Russia, while army deserters set about burning upper-class manors to the ground.

As these developments are taking place in Petrograd, the United States further cements its war ambitions by imposing compulsory military service. Men aged 18-30 are drafted. Soon the age limit will be raised to 45. In the coming days, some 330,000 recruits will fail to show up at their assigned draft stations. Despite the decision being widely unpopular, the draft will allow the Americans to begin ferrying troops to Europe’s front lines en-masse.

Alexander Kerensky makes the arguably fatal mistake of signaling that the Provisional Government will not be withdrawing from the war. While the United States is sending its first troops to France, a feeling of mass anti-war hysteria begins to take hold among the left-leaning population in Russia.

In a matter of days, more and more Russian workers, soldiers, and peasants flock to Lenin’s political group, which is opposed to the war and the Provisional Government. The decision to stay in the war will eventually lead to Kerensky’s disastrous June Offensive, which began on July 1 according to the new calendar.